We live in a society that prides itself as one of the champions
of democracy. Influenced and fired by the ideals of Uncle Sam, the self-proclaimed greatest exporter of democracy, the Filipino
people are always ready and proud to recite the popular uprisings of 1986 and 2001 as the greatest manifestations of the countrys
love for democracy and its ideals. It is necessary to point here that most political theorists would define the word democracy
as the practice or spirit of social equality, a condition of equality, and the common people.
How much of a democracy are we, really? We constantly boast
that we have achieved an almost utopian level of democracy, thanks mainly, many would say, to our amazing display of people
power in 86 and 01. But looking at some aspects of our political system and the way politics play in our society, it is interesting
to note that the most basic, the most fundamental aspect of the word democracy simply does not apply to us. This article will
discuss and tackle issues on democracy that will illustrate that we as a people have always been living in an illusion when
it comes to the subject of democracy. The most obvious violation to the principles is the precept of equality in accessing
power; this violation would be illustrated in two articles: Political Dynasties (in Cebu province) and Gender Inequality.
The third in this series is a discussion on the perpetuation of many of the defects of our political system through the Sangguniang
Kabataan (SK). It is hoped that at the end of this series of articles one will realize just how defective our political culture
is.
Part One: Political Dynasties and Social Status as Basis for Power
Enshrined in Article II, Section 26 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution is a
provision meant to ensure the equality in access to public office. To quote: The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities
for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.
While the constitution of the land prohibits explicitly the
perpetuation of political dynasties, it is interesting to note that any ordinary Filipino can recite as many political dynasties
that do exist in their municipalities or cities. This is because the law has not clearly stipulated what can be classified
as a political dynasty, and who are those who fall under this definition. It has been fourteen years since the 1987 constitution
was ratified, but it was only in 1998 and 1999 that some legislators have actually attempted to define political dynasty in
a bill. However, sad to note, not one of the 3 1998 bills or the 1999 bill Prohibiting the Establishment of Political Dynasties
has ever been passed in Congress. Thus, without a clear definition, dynasties still exist.
To cite some important provisions of the 1998-99 bills banning
political dynasties, a political dynasty is defined as the concentration, consolidation, or perpetuation of public office
and political power by persons related to one another. By persons related to one another we mean people related up to the
fourth civil degree of consanguinity or affinity, and these include an officials parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren,
siblings, uncles and aunts, cousins whether full or half blood, and all their spouses. A cursory glance at the list of our
elected officials would reveal an astounding number of people who are related to one another, some many times over!
An interesting case study is the province of Cebu. From Governor
to the SK chairpersons, the province is dotted with political dynasties. Starting with the Provincial level, both the incumbent
governor and vice-governor are related to other politicians. The Governors nephew, Alvin Garcia, was a former Cebu City mayor
and now also running once more as city mayor against Tommy Osmeņa. The Vice-Governor is related to the City mayor, to two
incumbent Senators, and to a municipal councilor. Furthermore, he is also a great-grandson of a former President of the Republic.
At least 7 of the 12 elected provincial board members are also related to other elected officials. Cases in point are Board
Member Antonio Almirante, Jr., whose cousins are Rep. Sim Kintanar of Cebus 2nd district, and a councilor in Argao
and in Badian, Cebu; Board Member Yaphas husband is also a representative to congress, while her son is a municipal mayor.
Finally, Board Member Duranos own brothers are Mayor and Vice-Mayor of Danao City, a sister is a Mayor of Sogod, while their
father is Sogods Vice-Mayor. A nephew of PB Member Durano is a Representative to congress while she has two cousins who are
Councilors of Danao City. Similarly, she is also related to PB Member Asirit. All six cities of Cebu also have dynasties:
Cebu City the Osmeaņas, Danao City the Duranos, Mandaue the Ouanos, Talisay the Gullases, and Toledo the Espinosas. Lapu-Lapu
Citys Mayors wife is a captain of one of the richest barangays of the city.
At least 37 municipal officials, from mayor to councilor, are
related to at least one other elected official. At least 30 of these have more than one elected official in the locality belonging
to the same family. Cases in point are the parent-child tandems of mayors and vice-mayors of Ronda, Bantayan, and Santander
and the brother-brother tandem in Naga. Many times over are mayors, vice-mayors, and councilors of towns related to one another,
like Sibonga whose Mayor is related to a Councilor, and whose Vice-Mayor also has a councilor relative. In some cases, also,
relationship goes outside the town. Mayor Wilson Wencelaso of Santander is the cousin of Mayor Dean Michael Singco of Ginatilan.
Of course, many of these officials have also seemed to have
started putting up their own kids and young relatives in SK posts. From the list of SK Chairs all over Cebu, at least 23 have
so far been identified as related to incumbent government officials. These are, of course, only those who still share the
same surname as their parents or grandparents. From these 23, at least 6 are children of mayors, as in the case of Lito Creus
III of Malabuyoc. Some are nieces or nephew of incumbent officials, like Christabel Ouano Cuizon of Mandaue, whose uncle is
the Mayor. At least one is a granddaughter of a representative to congress, as in the case of Aisha Iryll Quintana of Argao,
whose grandfather is Rep. Kintanar. All in all, at least 3 SK Chairs are related to Vice-Mayors, 10 to Councilors, 2 both
mayors and councilors, and 1 to both mayor and vice-mayor.
Finally, it is also interesting to note that more than half
of incumbent municipal mayors belong to the millionaires club. Topping the list are the mayors of Daanbantayan, Santander,
and Malabuyoc, whose combined net worth would equal to almost a quarter of a billion pesos. Others too would share almost
the same amount of wealth.
If truth be told, none of Cebus elected officials, whether
in the provincial, city, or municipal level, could actually qualify for public office, had the 1998-1999 bills on Political
Dynasties been made into law. Not only are these public officials very closely related, as already opposed to the definition
of related in the proposed bills, majority of these also own the major industries and businesses in their localities, thus
making sure that the clout of their families would be perpetuated.
Although it has been clearly stated in our freedom constitution
that everyone should have equal access to public office and that political dynasties should be discouraged, a look at our
incumbent officials would tell us otherwise. Thus, in the Philippines, equality to access of power is indeed an illusion.
Part Two: Gender Inequality In Public Office
The Philippines is proud to boast that it is one of the few
countries in Asia to have had two women Chiefs Executives. In this regard, we even have an edge over Uncle Sam, who, in its
almost 300 years of democratic institutions, has never produced a female president, with only Madeleine Albright clinching
the highest position so far of Secretary of State. This is, perhaps, one of the few moments when the Philippines can claim
of something that many other nations still do not have.
We are always fond of claiming that the Philippine society
is one where almost perfect gender equality exists. It is even a proud moment for many Filipinos to recite the names of former
President Corazon C. Aquino and current President Gloria M. Arroyo as proofs of the equality women enjoy under the eyes of
the law. But a careful scrutiny of the number of women legislators of our country, and the unusual circumstances that brought
both Aquino and Arroyo to power, will prove otherwise.
While it is true that a woman legislator is almost always elected
into office in every election in the country, the fact is that there has been less than ten per cent of women legislators
since our independence from America in 1946. In fact, in our current political set-up, only three of the 24 senators are women,
while there are only 39 women in the house of representatives, roughly less than 20% of the total composition of our congress.
Such a dismal representation in the government just goes on to prove that perhaps our democracy is not as egalitarian, after
all.
It is also quite discomforting to take note that majority of
our female legislators got their positions due to their husband or father. In fact, most of our current women representatives
are simply substitutes for politicians who have vied for higher posts, or whose terms have expired, and who will once again
reclaim their posts after the one term rest has been had. Examples of these are Senator Loi Estrda, the wife of deposed president
Erap Estrada, and Rep. Cynthia Villar, wife of Senator Manny Villar. Rep. Imee Marcos is the daughter of former president
Ferdinand Marcos.
Even our our two women presidents take their power because
of men. Former President Corazon Aquino took the reigns of the presidency due largely to the martyrdom of her hunband, and
President Gloria M. Arroyo owes much of her political career to her father, the late Pres. Diosdado Macapagal. Some analysts
even claim that among our 14 presidents, our two women presidents are the least democratic; both assumed the presidency due
to extra-constitutional phenomena.
It also is quite interesting to note that whenevr a woman president
comes to power, coup attempts are more likely to happen. Why? Is this due to the prevailing notion that women are less capable
in all aspects of governance? It would seem that way.
Further down the gender spectrum, we also notice an anomaly.
If women are severly underrepresented in congress, gays and lesbians have no representatives at all. The dearth of bills and
laws meant to protect gay rights is due largely to the non-representation of the sexual minorities in congress.
Unless more and more women and other sexual minorities run
for and get elected to congress, we will always have an imbalance in our democratic institution. Less and less attention will
be paid to the welfare of the filipino sexual minorities, and we will simply perpetuate the dominance of men in our society.
We pride ourselves of the fact that we have had two women presidents so far, but most Filipinos in the streets are wont to
believe that men are still better than women in governance. In a recent news report on television, a vendor was asked if he
would vote for GMA for President and Loren for Vice. His response: ano bang magagawa nang dalawang babae? Kalokohan yan!
Truly, gender equality in politics is but an illusion in the
Philippines.
Part III: The Sangguniang Kabataan
Our country enjoys the distinction of being one of the few
countries in Asia where the youth has truly made a difference in governance. As mandated by law, as early as 15 years old
young Filipinos can now have a taste of local politics. The Sangguniang Kabtaan, or the SK, is the mechanism that allows the
active participation of youngsters in politics. But while the SK has been a good feature of our democratic institution, a
careful study of the practices of many SK officials also shows that the SK, too, may just be a breeding ground for the inept
features of our political culture.
Recently, some members of the SK federation for Cebu City have
made moves to oust the current SKF Chairperson, Ms. Bontuyan. It has always been known that the current SK Federation president
of Cebu City is allied with Mayor Tom Osmeņa, and so it does not come as a shock that the movers and shakers of the petition
against Bontuyan is also allied with Osmeņas political rival, Alvin Garcia. This is the first defect of the Sangguniang Kabataan.
It teaches the kids early on to aggressively fight against their opponents, to the point of ousting and counter-ousting their
rivals. In some cases, like the one case reported in the last SK elections, others resort to kidnapping SK candidates just
to ensure their victory. Reports of vote-buying, too have been rampant during SK elections.
The most disgusting fact about the SK is that most of the elected
officials are truly just kids. While it is not true to all, majority of the elected SK Chairs do not really do anything during
their term of office. Some sponsor the traditional and overated liga once or twice, but thats basically about it. The funds
meant for youth projects are thus unfortunately diverted to other endeavors, or worst, to other barangay officials pockets.
Many SK chairs also study in other provinces, thus, the mandated one-meeting per month is usually not complied when, say for
example, an SK chair from Samar is studying in Cebu. Many of these chairpersons are then nothing but absentee politicians.
Sometimes, too, when the SK Chair belongs to an opposing party,
he or she usually fails to get funding for projects because funds are supposed to be approved by the barangay captain. There
have also been instances when SK officials actually take bribes from the winning companies that supply the materials they
need for a particualr project. It is mandated by law that when barangay officials have projects, they are supposed to do canvassing
and bidding. In most cases, the interested suppliers/providers simply approach the official and offer them from 10-25% cut
in the proceeds. Usually, too, this is considered as stadard procedure already. SK officials have indeed been known to have
accepted these cuts from time to time.
Finally, many, if not almost all, of the elected SK officials
are sons and daughters of incumbent government officials. In fact, a non-traditional politician kid would find it hard to
win an area dominated by a particular family. Thus, the SK is just another avenue for the perpetuation of political dynasties.
While the Sangguniang Kabataan is a noble attempt by our framers
of the law to include the younger generations in decision-making, what we really have is an avenue where we inculcate in the
young the defects of our politicals system. Political dynasties now start in the youth, bribery and corruption, neglect and/or
abandonment of duty, vote-buying and other negativities in the political process are witnessed and experienced by these political
neophytes. With all these and more, how can we assure ourselves that the SK is a good thing for the youth? Truly, the Sangguniang
Kabataan is nothing but a mechanism for the perpetuation of our faulty democratic institution and system.
